Despite the perniciously polarized state of politics, election-denying Senator Josh Hawley, President Biden, and Algerians find common ground on one issue: survivors of nuclear testing should receive compensation.
In March, the Senate passed the plan from Sens. Josh Hawley, R-Mo. and Ben Ray Luján, D-NM to reauthorize and expand the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act (RECA). The bipartisan legislation is currently under consideration in the House, with vocal support from the Biden-Harris Administration. The revised bill would encompass most residents in Arizona, Nevada and Utah, and for the first time expand eligibility for compensation to residents of New Mexico, Colorado, Idaho, Guam, and Montana, uranium workers after 1971, veterans of who cleaned up radioactive wastes in the Marshall Islands, and St. Louis area residents exposed to nuclear waste.
Although it may appear unrelated, RECA presents an opportunity to improve the longstanding US-Algerian partnership. Among other objectives, the US State Department is pursuing collaborative initiatives with the Algerian government to “strengthen civil society capacity to support and advocate for the Algerian people and their rights” and “enhance the Algerian public’s understanding of and support for US values and policies.” When RECA passes in the House, the United States can achieve its foreign policy goals by elevating Algerian downwinders.
Who Are American and Algerian “Downwinders?”
Survivors of nuclear testing, known in America as “downwinders,” share a common bond forged by the devastating impact of radioactive fallout. From Algeria to Nevada, communities have experienced alarming rates of illness and death as a result of their unwilling exposure to radiation.
Between 1960 and 1966, French colonial powers detonated 17 nuclear bombs in the Algerian Sahara. For generations, local inhabitants have suffered from rare illnesses, congenital abnormalities, and cancers due to the subsequent radiation exposure and polluted environment. Some nuclear sites are still not decontaminated.
Between 1951 and 1992, the US government detonated more than 900 atomic bombs at the Nevada Test Site. Likewise, nearby thousands of inhabitants were unknowingly exposed to radiation from the fallout clouds and have since suffered from various cancers and serious disruptions to their livelihoods.
Since the late 1990s, both Algerian and American downwinders have sought reparations from the French and US governments, respectively. In 2010, the French parliament passed a law entitling those affected by French nuclear tests to financial compensation. While France’s Comité d’Indemnisation des Victimes des Essais Nucléaires provided 14.9 million euros ($15.9 million) to victims of nuclear testing in Algeria and French Polynesia in 2022, the committee accepted applicants requesting compensation at a rate of only 53%.
Similarly, American downwinders can apply for the “Radiation Exposure Compensation Program” and possibly receive up to $50,000 from the federal government. The average cost of cancer treatment in the United States far exceeds this amount. It’s not scurrilous or unfounded to claim both the French and American governments have not sufficiently compensated or made amends to those harmed by nuclear testing.
The Success of RECA Presents an Opportunity for Foreign Policy Makers
US-Algeria relations remain tense, particularly given the current Israel-Hamas War, the dispute over Western Sahara, and Algeria’s relationship with Russia. As the United States attempts to navigate the evolving North African geopolitical landscape, American foreign policymakers must explore nuanced approaches rooted in dialogue and similarities. While not a solution in itself, endorsing Algerian efforts to obtain French compensation for nuclear testing victims could help catalyze these discussions.
Although it may appear unrelated, RECA presents an opportunity to improve the longstanding US-Algerian partnership.
President Macron endeavors to improve Franco-Algerian relations and steers government initiatives to recognize France’s violent colonial past (although he refuses to issue an official apology). For example, French parliament approved a resolution condemning the 1961 violent Paris police crackdown upon Algerians as “bloody and murderous repression.” The United States, leading by example, should encourage France to reconsider compensatory legislation for nuclear testing victims next.
Orchestrating a trilateral summit or conference involving France, Algeria, and the United States, while incorporating victims of nuclear testing, would strengthen not only the three countries’ relations, but also the relationship between Algeria and its civil society. While Algeria maintains a justifiably tenuous relationship with France, the United States can play a role in facilitating a small step towards reconciliation and achieving more justice for Algerians.
Furthermore, the United States should also endorse the United Nations General Assembly’s First Committee resolution, “Addressing the Legacy of Nuclear Weapons: Providing Victim Assistance and Environmental Remediation to Member States Affected by the Use or Testing of Nuclear Weapons.” In the past, endorsing this resolution would have forced the United States to confront its own role in harming American citizens. However, given that the Biden-Harris administration supports domestic efforts to compensate downwinders, the United States can lead the reshaping of international norms for compensating nuclear testing victims.
Bipartisan support for the passage of RECA in the United States presents a significant opportunity not only to address the long-standing grievances of nuclear testing survivors but also to strengthen diplomatic ties and cooperation between the United States and Algeria. In navigating this complex and multifaceted relationship, foreign policymakers must explore unconventional points of agreement to stimulate discussion and achieve policy goals.