After Contested and Violent Elections, Republic of Georgia Moves Closer to Russia

On Saturday, October 26, Georgia held parliamentary elections marked by security tensions and growing concerns of pro-Russian interference. The ruling Georgian Dream party claimed a broad victory with around 54.2% of the vote, according to the Central Election Commission (CEC). Though the party initially presented itself as pro-EU in 2012 to facilitate its election, it has gradually adopted a more pro-Russia stance over the years. Georgian Dream is currently led by Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze.

Situated at the strategic crossroads between Europe and Asia, this former Soviet republic occupies a key position in the Caucasus. Since its independence in 1991, Georgia has navigated between its pro-Western aspirations — namely, its desire to join the European Union and NATO — and pressures from its northern neighbor, Russia. 

Following the elections, international observers and the opposition reported significant electoral fraud and dozens of violent incidents across the country. President Salomé Zourabichvili, a staunch opponent of Georgian Dream despite holding limited executive and diplomatic power, condemned what she sees as Moscow’s attempt to tighten its grip on the Caucasus.

Massive protests erupted in Tbilisi, where thousands of Georgians demanded transparency. The memory of the 2008 Russo-Georgian war remains fresh, a conflict that led to Russia’s occupation of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Moscow continues to control these regions and maintains a military presence there, fueling ongoing tensions with the Georgian people, who still consider these areas integral parts of their sovereign territory.

In front of the massive Georgian parliament on Monday night, Ala Melkoni was one of the many demonstrators who gathered. With a European flag draped over her shoulders, this 22-year-old student refuses to acknowledge the parliamentary election results. In her final year at Tbilisi University, Ala had exams at 8 a.m. the following day: “We’re used to this in Georgia: we study by day and protest by night!”

Standing on a wooden platform before the imposing Georgian parliament, the President spoke with a somber expression: “You won these elections; no one has the right to take away your European future,” Zourabichvili said. At the end of her speech, Beethoven’s Ode to Joy — the EU anthem — played symbolically over the loudspeakers on Rustaveli Avenue.

Waving flags of the European Union, Ukraine, and NATO, the crowd erupted with emotion. Some wiped away tears, as this election was seen by many as the last hope to join the European Union and move away from Russia.

Minutes later, initial clashes between pro-Russians and coalition supporters were quickly suppressed by the hundreds of police officers stationed on-site. The arrival of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in Tbilisi to congratulate the new government further heightened security measures. Known for his nationalist and Eurosceptic policies, Orbán’s presence underscores the new government’s alignment with illiberal currents in Europe, signaling a potential shift away from Western democratic alliances.

In front of the large ochre-columned entrance to parliament, the police presence didn’t intimidate Linda Nakashidze. A geology student, Linda is no stranger to protests in Tbilisi. Last May, she came each week equipped with a gas mask to protest laws passed by the Georgian Dream party.

Once again on Rustaveli Avenue, she’s ready to protest against the newly elected government: “I’ve already faced police water cannons. I’m not afraid of them.” The next day, Linda is back in front of parliament, hoping for new elections to be held. 

“Rigged Elections Manipulated by Russia”

The day before, the president had called on people to challenge the official results. “Recognizing these elections would be to acknowledge Georgia’s submission to Russia,” she declared, accusing Georgian Dream and its honorary chairman, billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, of orchestrating widespread vote-buying and manipulation.

“Ivanishvili’s regime has made it clear that it has no intention of conducting a serious investigation into electoral fraud,” says David Zedelashvili, a constitutional law professor at Tbilisi University. Before the elections, the president had repeatedly criticized laws passed by Georgian Dream, particularly those concerning “foreign agents” and “LGBT propaganda.” Despite Georgian Dream’s stated goal of joining the European Union, their trajectory appears to be pushing Georgia closer to Russia.

Five days after the elections, at the presidential palace, Zourabichvili once again addressed the press, demonstrating evidence of widespread fraud. On a small screen to her right, images of disruptions at polling stations flashed by. “It couldn’t be clearer,” she added, pointing to the monitor. She has now been summoned by her country’s judiciary to present this evidence and substantiate her claims.

From Georgian Dream’s side, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze praised the “landslide” election outcome, rejecting claims of electoral fraud and violence. “Irregularities happen everywhere, in every country,” he told the BBC in an interview.

A new electronic voting system was implemented in polling stations that would impact 90% of voters. Yet, the setup proved unreliable, as thousands of citizens reportedly voted multiple times, according to Zourabichvili: “For instance, the same ID number was linked to twenty votes across different regions.”

Tina Bokuchava, president of the main opposition party United National Movement (UNM), reported nearly “300,000 cases of fraud,” which she says allowed Georgian Dream to secure 89 out of 150 parliamentary seats. On Sunday, Oct. 27, at 3 PM, Georgians eagerly awaited the report from the joint observation mission. 

This mission included 529 observers from 42 countries, representing organizations such as NATO and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), tasked with overseeing the fair conduct of voting in polling stations across the country.

Addressing hundreds of journalists gathered in the conference hall of the Radisson Hotel in Tbilisi, Pascal Allizard, French senator and mission coordinator, was clear: “The campaign was imbalanced, and the election was marred by pressure and attempts to buy votes.” According to Antonio Lopez-Isturiz White, a representative of the European Parliament, these manipulations are “proof” of Georgia’s “democratic backsliding.”

From their headquarters at the Marriott Hotel in Tbilisi, the My Vote coalition, composed of around thirty associations, also revealed that Georgian Dream had “orchestrated a large-scale plan aimed at manipulating results.” Specific tactics included pre-filled ballots and the confiscation of ID cards. According to Londa Toloraia, spokesperson for My Vote, “incidents were reported in 189 polling stations, mainly in constituencies favoring the coalition,” which could invalidate these stations, canceling close to “300,000 votes that would have primarily benefited one of the four coalition parties.”

Reports of Violence Across the Country

At the 69th polling station in the city of Marneuli, south of the capital, an observer was beaten for filming ballot-stuffing organized by Georgian Dream supporters. This video was the first instance of fraud widely circulated on social media, and the first sign of pro-Russian influence.

According to Alexandre Asatiani, head of foreign affairs for the UNM, over fifty opposition members were attacked on election day: “Some who filmed fraud were even arrested, had their phones confiscated, and were denied access to a lawyer,” he added.

The violence also reached one of the opposition party headquarters. Late Saturday afternoon, an hour before the first polls were released, a group of around twenty men waving Georgian Dream flags stormed the building in a suburb of Tbilisi, sparking a violent clash in the fading light.

One coalition member was injured, and leaders responded immediately: “Their attitude, the arrests of people defending European votes, and this attack prove they are afraid.”

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken noted that while the election was “generally well administered,” there were also reports of irregularities and sporadic violence. Additionally, activists aligned with Georgian Dream aimed to escalate tensions on Election Day, seeking to amplify political debates. 

Members close to the Wagner militia and the Kremlin traveled to Tbilisi for the elections as well. Among them was Alexander Malkevich, a friend of former leader Yevgeny Prigozhin. According to CEC spokesperson Natia Ioseliani, US-wanted Malkevich “was accredited in compliance with election legislation.”

The Coming Weeks Will Be Decisive

All these election-related events are gradually diminishing the hopes of the 80% of Georgians who wish to join the European Union. Last May, Brussels had already frozen the EU accession process following the adoption of the “foreign agents” law, which restricts the activities of NGOs funded partly by foreign countries.

The West must decide how to characterize these evidently flawed elections and how to respond to the ruling party’s repression, including the potential for a Belarus- or Venezuela-style scenario of power retention through force. 

The United States is reportedly prepared with sanctions against Georgian leaders, including Ivanishvili, likely to be applied if government-led violence or electoral fraud persists. The key question remains whether Georgian society has the resolve to sustain resistance to an authoritarian regime.

A week after the elections Zourabichvili said she had so far been unable to reach the interior minister to discuss the numerous international reports pointing to election fraud.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, meanwhile, stated, “There are attempts at interference, but they do not come from Russia.” Demonstrations are planned every weekend by the opposition and the president, who, for now, refuse to recognize the new parliament, which is expected to elect a new president within weeks.

On the evening of Monday, Nov. 4, a week after the results, thousands of Georgians were once again in the streets of the capital to protest against the manipulation of the elections. The battle for Georgian democracy is now heading to the streets, where many observers long anticipated it would ultimately unfold.